Archive for May, 2009


Chairman Joseph Lieberman
Committee on Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs
340 Dirksen Senate Office Building
Washington, DC 20510

Chairman Daniel Akaka
Subcommittee on Oversight of Government Management, the Federal
Workforce, and the District of Columbia
605 Senate Hart Building
Washington, DC 20510

Chairman Edolphus Towns
Committee on Oversight and Government Reform
2157 Rayburn House Office Building
Washington, DC 20515

Chairman Stephen Lynch
Subcommittee on Federal Workforce, Postal Service and the District of Columbia
349A Rayburn House Office Building
Washington, DC 20515

Re: “FAA Whistleblower Alliance” Urges Strong Oversight of the Office
of Special Counsel

Dear Chairmen Lieberman, Akaka, Towns and Lynch:

The FAA Whistleblower Alliance is a newly-formed group of Federal
Aviation Administration professionals that have been retaliated
against by the FAA for raising concerns about substantial and
specific dangers to aviation safety. This letter urges the committees
that have oversight jurisdiction of the Office of Special Counsel to
enact badly-needed accountability and transparency reforms in the
Office of Special Counsel and Merit Systems Protection Board
Reauthorization law.

Common to our experience in speaking out at the FAA to correct
serious dangers to the flying public is the FAA’s insistence on
ignoring, diminishing, and suppressing the safety concern raised, as
well as the viscous backlash from FAA management in the form of
retaliation. Federal employee whistleblowers are statutorily forced
to bring their retaliation claims to the OSC for relief, rather than
to the public courts, and are systematically denied redress evident
by the OSC’s dismal rate of corrective action. The OSC fails to
fulfill its Congressional mandate of protecting legitimate
whistleblowers. Instead the OSC appears to be following an internal
institutional mandate of closing out cases regardless of genuine
merit. The common experience of the Alliance members, all who have
had or currently have an OSC prohibited personnel practices
complaint, is that OSC consistently fails to do a proper
investigation of claims and to adequately communicate with
whistleblowers during the investigation process. We have attached a
summary of individual Alliance member’s experiences with the OSC.

The FAA Whistleblower Alliance urges Congress to initiate aggressive
oversight of how the OSC has functioned, particularly since former
Special Counsel Scott Bloch’s resignation. Many have attempted to
personify him as the primary cause of the Office’s weakness. But in
our experience, the combination of bureaucratic arrogance and
incompetence has sharply increased since his departure. We hope that
oversight hearings can be scheduled promptly after appointment of a
new Special Counsel, to provide the context and a mandate for
leadership, both in terms of changed practices and accountability for
those who have grossly abused their discretion.

Hearings also are necessary to create a record for provisions in the
upcoming OSC – MSPB Reauthorization bill. To illustrate, the attached
case studies demonstrate that arbitrary practices are the rule,
rather than the exception, necessitating professional regulations as
a standard operating procedure for investigating and acting on
prohibited personnel practice complaints. On occasion, OSC staff even
engaged in retaliatory closeouts, officially canceling investigations
when pressed to communicate about what work, if any, had been
completed. That illustrates our most basic plea — the right to know
what happened to our rights. Although cases are open for extended
periods, we are not allowed to know what evidence, if any, was
gathered. The lack of consistent procedures, communication and
transparency are three strikes for a credible Office of Special
Counsel. Our experiences illustrate that those professional
breakdowns have become the norm.

We thank you for considering our views on the OSC and request the
opportunity to work with your Committees on the OSC – MSPB
Reauthorization bill and the amended Whistleblower Protection Act.
Please contact Gabe Bruno at 407-977-1505 and/or Tom Devine of the
Government Accountability Project at 202-457-0034, ext. 124 with any
follow-up communications.

Sincerely,
Gabriel Bruno, retired Manager, Flight Standards Service,

Mike Cole, active Air Traffic Control, Flight Service Specialist,

Mary Rose Diefenderfer, former Flight Standards Inspector,

Bogdan Dzakovic, former Special Agent/Air Marshal Service, currently with TSA,

Kim Farrington, former Flight Standards, Air Carrier Cabin Safety Inspector,

Edward Jeszka, former Flight Standards Inspector,

Chris Monteleone, active Flight Standards Inspector,

Peter Nesbitt, active Air Traffic Controller,

Geoffrey Weiss, active Air Traffic Controller,

Anne Whiteman, active Air Traffic Control, Front Line Manager

Enclosure

Some of our members wish to keep their names confidential, due to
fear of continued retaliation.

[Any listed affiliation with the FAA or any other federal agency is
listed only for identification purposes. We are speaking in our
capacity as citizens and as part of the FAA Whistleblower Alliance,
and not on behalf of the FAA or any other federal agency.]

The following are short statements from some members of the FAA
Whistleblowers Alliance that characterize their experiences with the
Office of Special Counsel. Further information is available on all of
the cases mentioned. A number of our members decided not to provide
statements at this time because of concerns of retaliation.

Kim Farrington Flight Standards Inspector (removed from service/ in litigation)

I filed an OSC Form 11 on 4-27-08. The Midwest Field Office OSC IPD
attorney did not effectively communicate with me throughout the 10
months my complaint was open. With the exception of an initial intake
interview by an IPD investigator, I was never re-contacted by the OSC
again about the details of my case, the status of the investigation,
or asking for information to rebut the information learned from FAA
before the OCS IPD attorney sent a preliminary determination letter
saying they were going to close out my case. My witnesses I provided
were never contacted by the OSC IPD investigator or attorney. The
preliminary decision letter and final close-out letter stated “based
on our investigation” but did not indicate to me that there had been
an investigation because the information they outlined was only a
restatement of the details I initially provided to them in my
complaint. The final close out letter misstated the law on the job
duties doctrine sweeping in all disclosures of information learned
during my job duties but communicated outside the normal chain of
command. My claim was closed with no corrective action recommended.

Gabe Bruno Flight Standards Manager (retired)
My experience with the Office of Special Counsel began in 2002, when
I filed two safety disclosures about the FAA creating a danger to the
public. It took OSC two years to process these disclosures while the
FAA was taking a series of adverse personnel actions against me. I
requested that OSC file for a “stay” to halt the adverse actions,
including my removal, until my safety disclosures were properly
investigated, but my request was ignored. Ultimately, the OSC
Disclosure Unit found that two of my whistleblower disclosures had a
substantial likelihood finding. The problem was that the FAA never
completed the corrective actions as promised to the OSC, and while no
one was monitoring the FAA’s promises, an aircraft carrying 18
passengers and a crew of two crashed, in 2005, killing all 20 on board.

I also have a Prohibited Personnel Practice complaint with the OSC,
originally filed in 2005 and reopened by Former Special Counsel Scott
Bloch in 2008, because of the retaliatory adverse actions the FAA
took against me. After the case was reopened, the OSC refused to
communicate with me about the status of the investigation or answer
questions posed after the initial interview beyond acknowledging
receipt of my correspondence. The OSC provided me with a letter
stating that the OSC has not completed the investigation after 240
days and I had options regarding extensions to the OSC. My counsel
contacted the attorney on the case to speak about the extension
options, get an update on the investigation to date, and ensure the
prohibited personnel practices were framed correctly for
investigation. The OSC attorney refused to speak to my counsel and
instead sent me a preliminary determination letter that is about to
close my case out. This is troubling because two weeks before I
received the preliminary determination letter I received a letter
stating that the OSC had not completed its investigation.

Geoffrey Weiss Air Traffic Controller (active)
In 2008, I submitted an OSC complaint. My whistleblower disclosure
was found by the OSC Disclosure Unit to have a substantial likelihood
of substantial and specific danger to public safety. My prohibited
personnel practices complaint was assigned to the Midwest Field
Office. The OSC IPD attorney never spoke with me except an
introduction call with the OSC IPD investigator. I provided
documents, witnesses, and other evidence to the OSC IPD investigator
but was never granted the face to face interview I repeatedly
requested to present all my documents for review. The OSC IPD
investigator did call on occasion to ask for clarification but he
never presented me with anything specific provided by the FAA to
refute or verify. I did not hear from the OSC IPD attorney until he
sent a letter proposing that the OSC wanted to drop my complaint
because it could not verify retaliation had taken place. The letter
was full of glaring inaccuracies and seemed to be completed devoid of
any real understanding of the issue and the dynamics of the Air
Traffic portion of the matter. I provided my comments to that
preliminary determination and am awaiting a response. I contacted
some of the witnesses I had provided and was told that they had never
been contacted by the OSC.

Peter Nesbitt Air Traffic Controller (active)
The FAA retaliated against me for disclosing an unsafe practice and
procedure which placed the American flying public at risk with
intersecting flight paths at the Memphis International Airport.
While I have been impressed with OSC personnel within the Disclosure
Unit, I do not believe that the OSC Midwest Field Office thoroughly
investigated my allegations of Prohibited Personnel Practices (PPP)
by Memphis FAA Management. During the course of my PPP investigation,
I was verbally informed of the FAA’s position by the OSC — but never
formally informed or allowed to refute the FAA’s position. At the
request of the OSC Midwest Field Office, I provided a list of
approximately 30 co-workers and supervisors as character references
— none of which were ever interviewed. The original OSC investigator
was removed from my case, and it was obvious during my first and only
personal interview with the replacement OSC investigator — that he
did not believe my allegations of retaliation by Memphis FAA Management.
The Midwest Field Office intervened on my behalf during two key
situations, however these interventions came only after I had been
subjected to additional acts of retaliation by Memphis FAA Management
— and only after I demanded that the OSC do something to help me. I
continued to make additional safety disclosures throughout my PPP
investigation, and the FAA eventually informed the OSC that they
wanted to settle my PPP case. Based on conversations with the OSC
attorney who handled my PPP case, it is my belief that the continued
and repeated safety disclosures are what drove the FAA to finally
enter a settlement agreement with me nearly 1.5 years after I filed
my original complaint with the OSC.

Chris Monteleone Flight Standards Inspector (on administrative leave)
On April 16, 2008 I filed OSC prohibited personnel practices
complaint and whistleblower disclosure case and was assigned to the
Washington DC Field Office. I was retaliated against for reporting
safety violations related to Colgan Air and the Office of Runway
Safety. Meanwhile, Colgan Air 3407 (operating as Continental) crashed
on February 12, 2009 killing on 49 on board and 1 on the ground, in
Buffalo, New York. I have not been informed of whether they have
interviewed my witnesses or the status of the investigation. I have
also not been notified about any FAA responses or provided with the
opportunity to rebut the responses.

Anne Whiteman Air Traffic Control, Front Line Manager (active)
OSC investigated my PPP case for 5 years. Scott Bloch sent a letter
to the Secretary of the DOT asking for compensation for the 10-year
vendetta against me. He gave them two weeks to respond and that was
the summer of 2007. Nothing came of it. During the course of their 5
year investigation, I would have to say that the OSC was always
disturbed by the way I was being treated at work, but I was never
protected. Not once did anyone at the OSC, to my knowledge make any
contact with anyone at FAA and DFW in an effort to protect me. During
the original “investigation” quite a few people were interviewed and
ultimately a report was issues, but only one person from the list I
gave them was contacted. I received a letter every 60 days for years
informing me my case was in their prosecution division. When I
started to fear termination I hired an attorney for my protection and
upon filing with the MSPB the OSC sent me a letter informing me my
case was closed. I as grateful for Scott Bloch’s support and his
efforts to effect change in the FAA and at DFW specifically, but the
OSC as a whole was ineffective in protecting me.

Mary Rose Diefenderfer Flight Standards Inspector (removed from
service/in litigation)
Mary Rose was the POI for Alaska Airlines and predicted that Alaska
Airlines was about to have a tragedy, before she was removed from her
position. At least 88 families wish someone had listened to her. Her
prohibited personnel practices case has been going on for 11 years
and is currently at the Federal Court level. Her first exposure to
the OSC was in 1994 when she was removed from her position for
reporting falsification of pilot training records at a major carrier.
The OSC was helpful and responsive in communicating with her and Mary
Rose got her position back. Then in 1997, Mary Rose was removed from
her reinstated position for reporting the same problem. The OSC took
corrective action but Mary Rose lost at the MSPB level with an AJ
that had never ruled in favor of employee as a MPSB judge.

Edward Jeszka Flight Standards Inspector (retired)
I was retaliated against after I submitted a complaint to the
Department of Transportation Inspection General about the
circumstances surrounding a false accident report. I filed a
prohibited personnel practices complaint with the OSC. I have been
told that the OSC is reviewing my submittal but as I am now retired
there wasn’t any personnel action taken as a result of my complaint
to the DOT IG. However, the FAA is attempting to revoke my pilot
certificates and the OSC IDP attorney does not think that is an
action that would qualify this as retaliation. I have submitted
additional information and am now in the process of assembling three
years of documents and statements that will show prohibited personnel
practices.

Mike Cole Air Traffic Control, Flight Service Specialist (active)
In December 2007, I was retaliated against for reporting safety
issues involving air carriers. I filed an OSC prohibited personnel
practice complaint and a whistleblower disclosure. The OSC attorney
on my whistleblower disclosure appears to have no knowledge of Air
Traffic and does not communicate with me adequately. The Disclosure
Unit found evidence of that there are safety issues and requested FAA
OIG investigate. The request for the FAA OIG to investigate omitted
many of my concerns. The OSC IDP investigator and attorney did not
effectively communicate with me and closed out my prohibited practice
case without an adequate investigation into my complaint.

Bogdan Dzakovic TSA, Former FAA Red Team Security Leader
I filed a Whistleblower Disclosure against the FAA with the OSC in
October of 2001, concerning the dangerous culture of mismanagement
within FAA Security and which contributed directly to the ease with
which the terrorists successfully attacked on 9-11. The
Transportation Security Administration (TSA) formally took over
operational responsibility of Aviation Security in February of 2002.
That same week the OSC formally (and publicly) accepted my case for
further investigation. The very first week of TSA’s existence, TSA
took away ALL my job duties which lasted for an entire year. A short
time later the OSC- sponsored a mediation session between myself and
TSA and, while the OSC didn’t explicitly state it, the results of
this “mediation” was that I should be grateful still have a job and
am being paid. That was the extent of the OSC’s protection of my
rights. I spent most of the following year assigned to this
night-shift telephone operator position when in late 2003 I was
transferred to an entry level staff position at TSA headquarters,
where I remain.

Joe is a tireless crusader on behalf of whistleblowers.  Visit OSC Watch, one of his sites and if you can help with this petition for DOE employees, please visit the link below his letter.  -GFS

 

********************************************************************************************************

 

My whistleblowing about serious workplace health and safety issues in Dept. of Energy in 1990’s contributed to the Energy Employees Occupational Illness Compensation Program Act (EEOICPA) of 2000  About 180,000 claims have been filed by DOE sick workers or their survivors under it, about 50,000 claims of $150,000.00 have been paid.

I would appreciate your consideration to join the petition to reform aspects of the EEOICPA, at website below.

Joe Carson, PE

http://www.coldwarpatriots.org

Interesting.  The trust that needs to be re-built must be built on real reasons trust is deserved.  Currently that ethical base is absent from much of government and industry.  A major effort to clean up government and put industry back in the “eager to comply and do things ethically”  passenger seat instead of in the greed driven, “we’ll do whatever we damn well want” driver’s seat must occur first!  -GFS

____________________________________________

From Truthout.org:

Building a Culture of Trust in Politics

Saturday 02 May 2009

by: Joe Brewer  |  Visit article original @ Cognitive Policy Works

 

    A culture of trust is vital to solving the big problems of our age. Without trust, there can be no hope of real and lasting positive change in the world. Our challenges are too big to solve on our own. We must be able to work together and collaborate on an unprecedented scale to build a stable economy, restore health to our communities, and manage the tremendous global changes unfolding around us.

    And yet we live in a world filled with manipulative messages, the very presence of which threatens the foundation of democracy. From a very early age, our hidden motivations (in the form of emotional tendencies and networks of associated knowledge embedded in our unconscious minds) have been exploited to trick us into thinking we need things that we don’t.

    And now this pervasiveness of sophisticated commercial marketing has corroded the fabric of political engagement. We no longer trust most of the information we receive. Our skepticism is a cultural pathology – a deeply rooted belief that those in power are trying to trick us. Unfortunately, this distrust is grounded in the truth that we have indeed been tricked many times in the past.

    The existence of skepticism is a matter of significance that needs to be addressed in our politics. Lip service is often paid to the need for greater voter turnout, but no solutions are offered that address the malaise of distrust that has stood in the way of progress for decades.

    I believe that a culture of trust is desperately needed if we are to address the looming challenges of the modern world. People need to be able to identify deceptive practices and stop them in their tracks, while also having the skills necessary to communicate their real concerns authentically so that others can trust in them.

    A starting point in the cultivation of trust is to name the strategy that undermines it. One that has been around for years, but is not in common use, is the acronym “FUD” which stands for Fear, Uncertainty and Doubt – the standard tactics for deceiving and manipulating people. FUD can be found every time that an insecurity is used to push a product (“Use our acne medication or you won’t be attractive”). It is present in misinformation campaigns that undermine legitimate authorities (“Climate has changed in the past, so you can’t trust those who claim it is changing now due to human causes.”). And it is the basic premise of public relations and marketing firms that fill our world with mixed messages throughout the mass media every day.

    Where do FUD practitioners learn their trade? Is there a FUD University that teaches the tactics of deception and redirection? Perhaps not. But these skills are widely deployed and are threatening the public confidence that forms the basis of modern democracy.

    What we need is an antidote to FUD – a collection of skills and practices that nullify deception and transcend it. As we move into the 21st Century, we must create new tools for countering deception that instill trust in our capacity as a people to govern ourselves. We need to be able to deconstruct spin in the media so that hidden messages are made explicit. This will require us to think differently about truth and perception. We’ll have to understand the psychology of meaning and the nature of our hidden motivations. We need the opposite of FUD, an Open University that teaches the tactics of honesty and authenticity.

    The only viable response to FUD is openness and transparency. Our hidden tendencies can only be exploited if they remain hidden. It is vital that we democratize the production of political communications, starting at the most basic level of knowing our own minds. We need a cognitive toolbox – tools for understanding what’s going on inside our heads – to be able to see how communication works within us. Only then can we truly open up the production process and invite the public to participate.

    This goes much deeper than merely changing the content of our messages in political communications. Rampant distrust in a culture keeps a populace from being able to discern truth for themselves, regardless of how accurate a message might be. Instead, we have to restructure the methods of communication themselves. For example, most people are well aware that digital media can be modified to make things that are fake seem real. We’ve all experienced this at the movies many times in our lives. So there is a need to make the creation of digital media more transparent – as websites like YouTube do when users typically know what is real because they are making it themselves. This transparency makes it possible for the process of media production to be scrutinized.

    The same can be said for other political processes. Currently most legislation is created behind closed doors and under the veil of technocratic language. The obscurity of this process – combined with the fact that bills have been used in the past for purposes different from what we were told (think “Patriot Act” or “No Child Left Behind”) – and you get a recipe for widespread skepticism about the legislative process. No wonder so many people disengage!

    It is time to start the difficult work of building a better kind of politics, one that works in the 21st Century. We have to open up the political system and make it more participatory. People have to feel like they can take ownership and engage the political world with a mandate for openness and transparency.

    The age of elite democracy is behind us. It doesn’t serve us any longer. In the days ahead, we’ll need a populist politics that recognizes the value of active participation, one that promotes inclusiveness for everyone. Such an open political machine will only work if its “operating system” is visible. We can only trust in the system if we are able to see how it works and make modifications to it when it doesn’t. This is analogous to what software developers call “open source” where the source code of a piece of software is open for others to see. When the source code is hidden, it is impossible to truly know what is going on inside the black box of the machine.

    The same is true for our politics. Democracy is only real when the political source code is open for everyone to see. Building a culture of trust will require that we get to the heart of this problem, and make visible the methods of production for all the world to see.

    ——-

    Joe Brewer is founder and director of Cognitive Policy Works <>, an educational and research center devoted to the application of cognitive and behavioral sciences to politics. He is a former fellow of the Rockridge Institute, a think tank founded by George Lakoff to analyze political discourse for the progressive movement.

The game continues with Boeing’s insidious influence peddling reaching new heights (or depths) depending on which side of the issue you reside.  It is a sadder day for taxpayers, with every new achievement in possible control and manipulation granted to this corporation.  GFS

 

********************************************************************

Boeing to Staff FBI Fusion Center

Link:  http://washingtontechnology.com/Articles/2007/06/01/Boeing-to-staff-FBI-Fusion-Center.aspx?Page=1

 

By Alice Lipowicz

Jun 01, 2007

 

To advance information sharing against terrorism, Boeing Co. expects to be among the first major corporations? Maybe the first? To assign its own analyst to the Seattle FBI Fusion Center intelligence sharing office, according to a senior Boeing official.

 

 

The center is one of dozens around the country created by state and local governments to share anti-terrorism intelligence. Boeing wants to set an example of how private owners of critical infrastructure can get involved in such centers to generate and receive criminal and anti-terrorism intelligence, said Richard Hovel, Boeing senior advisor on aviation and homeland security.

 

“Hopefully, this will be the first of many similar efforts across the nation that will establish a collaborative partnership between the public sector and industry, and protect our critical infrastructure more effectively and expeditiously,” Hovel testified at a May 25 field hearing in Bellevue, Wash., sponsored by the House Subcommittee on Intelligence, Information Sharing and Terrorism Risk Assessment.

 

Boeing and the fusion centers have similar goals, Hovel said. The private sector, which owns about 80 percent of critical infrastructure, needs to have real-time access to information from the fusion centers. At the same time, the fusion centers need access to “mature intelligence capabilities” in private companies, Hovel said.

 

Some information sharing already is underway. The Pacific Northwest Economic Region Center for Regional Disaster Resilience has formed a Northwest Warning and Response Network to communicate information about all hazards and all threats between the FBI and private sector companies in Alaska, Idaho, Montana, Oregon and Washington.

 

However, there are obstacles in the path of greater collaboration between public and private sectors in existing law enforcement fusion centers, testified R. Gil Kerlikowske, chief of police, Seattle Police Department.

Private sector participation has been limited by the way that the fusion centers are organized under a federally-centered vision and also by limited funding, Kerlikowske said. In practice, for example, federal security clearances for most anti-terrorism information are difficult for local police officers to obtain, and procedures for obtaining access to federal information and support are often “convoluted and tortuous,” he said.

 

“As a police chief of the 19th largest city in the nation, and in possession of a top secret clearance, by law I cannot set foot unescorted in the National Counter Terrorism Center, let alone have direct access to even the most benign information,” Kerlikowske said.

THE INFLUENCE GAME: Big Biz has a friend in Locke

Filed under: Uncategorized — May 1, 2009 @ 8:00 am

“Gary Locke is new to the Commerce Department but already known to corporate America, which spent hundreds of thousands of dollars to help re-elect him as Washington’s governor. Fortune 500 companies and other businesses gave at least $800,000 to the Democrat’s campaigns for governor, including at least $500,000 for his easy 2000 re-election, according to an Associated Press review of his campaign finance reports. The rest was split between his 1996 race and his 2004 campaign. He ultimately abandoned his third bid and refunded those donations. His donors included Microsoft and Boeing, two home-state companies that Locke tried hard to please and whose issues he will almost certainly encounter as a Cabinet secretary.”

 

Please follow link to the whole article and reader comments: http://politics.remedy.org.ua/b8349991/